Download 1789. Les Français ont la parole: Cahiers de doléances des by Pierre Goubert, Michel Denis PDF

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By Pierre Goubert, Michel Denis

Il existe, soutient Chateaubriand, un monument précieux de l. a. raison en France : ce sont les cahiers des trois ordres en 1789. Là se trouvent consignés, avec une connaissance profonde des choses, tous les besoins de los angeles société.

La Révolution est née de los angeles conjonction d’une crise économique et d’une crise politique où s’affrontaient l. a. monarchie, incapable de se réformer, l’aristocratie, attachée à ses privilèges, los angeles bourgeoisie, enrichie par l. a. prospérité économique de los angeles veille et enhardie par les Lumières au aspect de vouloir gouverner, et les éclats inattendus, anciens dans beaucoup de leurs qualities, nouveaux dans d’autres, du prolétariat des villes et des campagnes subitement poussé à de brutales et massives initiatives.

Dans ce climat complexe furent rédigés, en toute liberté, le plus souvent à l. a. fin de l’hiver 1788 et au début du printemps 1789, en pleine crise, des dizaines de milliers de cahiers de doléances. Pour l. a. première fois, l. a. majeure partie du peuple de France a los angeles parole.

Des dizaines de milliers de cahiers, Pierre Goubert et Michel Denis ont extrait les passages les plus significatifs et les plus vivants. Le lecteur demeure frappé par leurs contradictions, leur médiévalité autant que par leur nouveauté.

Suivi d'un Glossaire pratique de l. a. langue de quatre-vingt-neuf.

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Additional resources for 1789. Les Français ont la parole: Cahiers de doléances des États généraux

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On the Favras trial, see Barry Shapiro, Revolutionary Justice in Paris, 1789–1790 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 124–47. 120. See BM Albi MS 177, letter of February 7, 1790; Fitzsimmons, The Remaking of France, 93–95. 121. AD Puy-de-Dôme 4 J 6, copy of letter of Huguet, February 6, 1790. For a similar assessment from outside the Assembly, see BHVP CP 6540, letter of February 4, 1790. 122. Adresse aux François (Paris, 1790). 123. Fitzsimmons, The Remaking of France, 98–107. 124 The renewed self-confidence of the Assembly, especially the perceived sense of purpose that the Assembly shared with the monarch, led opponents of the new ideal of the polity to launch two last-ditch attacks in April 1790.

See also [Monnel], Mémoires d’un prêtre régicide, 1:171; Jean-Baptiste de Nompère de Champagny, Souvenirs (Paris: P. Renouard, 1846), 68. 138. Le Point du Jour, May 17, 1791. 140 Without the parlements, bailliages, sénéchaussées, or, in other cases, cathedrals or parishes to which they could return, they now had to navigate their own destinies in the new France— they would be unable to remain above their work as career politicians. Although it was, as one deputy stated, the result of “the noblest and the vilest” motives,141 the decree should have only increased respect and admiration for the Assembly.

Throughout the crisis precipitated by Louis’s departure, the Assembly had maintained an extraordinary degree of unity, but his detention and return quickly eroded that harmony. On June 29, a group of 290 conservative deputies denounced the suspension of Louis and declared that they regarded him as a prisoner. 145 When they tried to introduce their statement on July 5, however, the Assembly would not allow it. 146 The contentious discussion lasted three days. Some deputies argued for revocation of the inviolability of the king and for putting him on trial.

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