By Ke Ke Raṅganāthācāryulu
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Additional info for A historical grammar of inscriptional Telugu, 1401 A.D. to 1900 A.D
235–8; Annales Vedastini, a. 879, pp. 44–5; detailed analysis in Werner, ‘Abt Gauzlin’. Recueil des actes de Rois de Provence (855–928 ), ed. R. Poupardin (Paris, 1920), no. 16; for comment on the language of this charter, see K. Brunner, ‘Der fränkische Fürstentitel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert’, Intitulatio II. Lateinisch Herrscher- und Fürsten titel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert, ed. H. Wolfram, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband, 24 (1973), pp.
Schneidmüller, Historische Zeitschrift, xxiv (1997), 15–43. A welcome fresh perspective on the east Frankish 26 Stuart Airlie great magnates of the late ninth and tenth centuries: Boso of Vienne and Arnulf ‘the Bad’ of Bavaria. Both men established formidable power bases: Boso a kingdom based in Provence and Burgundy, and Arnulf in Bavaria, a duchy understood by contemporaries to be a regnum. Yet the achievement of both men was ephemeral. Boso was hounded by the Carolingian kings and Arnulf remained duke, not king.
Was there any way in which they could be classified as belonging to that royal line? Could Carolingian blood, or a Carolingian connection, make a magnate a king in waiting? i, ed. P. von Winterfeld, MGH, Poet. , iv (Berlin, 1909), pp. 161–2; for further textual ripples stemming from the death of Fulk, see K. Ugé, ‘Creating a Usable Past in the Tenth Century: Folcuin’s ‘‘Gesta’’ and the Crises at Saint-Bertin’, Studi Medievali, xxxvii (1996), 887–903. 18 Brühl, Deutschland-Frankreich, p. 403. 19 Once Charles the Simple was recognized by Lotharingia, the following formula appeared in his charters from 20 December 911 onwards: ‘largiore vero hereditate indepta’; for its first appearance, see Recueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple, roi de France (893–923) , ed.